Our single greatest asset as a publisher is credibility. This statement exists because you deserve to know exactly how decisions get made here, what standards this publication holds itself to, and what happens when we fall short. Our Revolution Media is edited by a single editor who is accountable for everything that publishes. This statement is updated when our standards evolve, with the date of each revision noted at the bottom.
On Perspective and Bias
Every publication has a point of view. Ours is grounded in working class and community perspectives, an interest in systems and power, and a belief that historical context is not optional. We are not neutral on whether workers deserve fair wages, whether communities deserve clean air, or whether power should be accountable. Those are not political positions. They are the baseline from which we do our work.
Where we commit to neutrality is in the facts. We will not distort, omit, or selectively frame evidence to make a predetermined conclusion look stronger than it is. Our analysis is our own, and we carry the strongest opposing argument rather than leave it out.
On Sources and Evidence
We name our sources. Every claim links inline to the primary document it rests on: the statute, the docket, the filing, the contract, the dataset. When we use data, we link to it or identify it specifically enough that you could find it yourself. We do not quote people out of context, and we do not use anonymous sources to make accusations we cannot otherwise substantiate. When a subject of our coverage declines to respond, we say that too.
On Coverage
Our Revolution Media covers national policy through a working class and Los Angeles lens, organized in four series: What Always Happens, on enforcement that is relocated, starved, or handed to the people it was built to watch; Power and Profit, on public money and public authority moving into private hands; The Rulebook, on the laws that govern work; and Before the Lines Were Drawn, on the history that explains the present. Local reporting from Los Angeles and Southern California is a growing strand of that work. When we report on communities, we try to report with them rather than about them, prioritizing the voices of people who live the stories over those who analyze them from a distance. We are still learning how to do this well and are open to being told when we have not.
On Funding and Independence
Our Revolution Media is free to read. There is no paywall, no paid tier, and no advertising. The publication is currently self funded. If we accept grant or foundation support, the funder is named on our About page, and no funder has any say over what we publish. We do not accept money, products, or access in exchange for coverage. If we ever enter into a paid partnership or sponsored content arrangement, it is disclosed at the top of the relevant piece, not buried in fine print.
On Conflicts of Interest
Our Revolution Media is affiliated with Our Revolution Clothing Co. (ORCC), a circular fashion project operating on related values. We disclose this affiliation on our About page and whenever it is directly relevant to a story. The two projects do not share editorial authority. ORCC has no say over what ORM publishes.
Our Revolution Media uses AI, including Claude, as an editorial partner for research scans, drafting, and channel packaging. Topic selection, sourcing, verification of every claim against the primary document, editorial judgment, and the final text are the editor's, and the editor is accountable for what publishes. The same statement appears wherever our work is scanned for AI text.
On Images
Original photography marked as ours is by the editor and credited to Our Revolution Media. Stock, wire, and third party images are credited to the photographer or source. We do not present generated images as documentary photographs.
On Errors and Corrections
We make mistakes. When we do, we correct them publicly. Corrections appear at the top of the affected piece with a clear description of what changed. We do not silently edit errors after publication. If you catch a factual mistake, write to letters@ourrevolution.media. Media, credentialing, and institutional inquiries go to press@ourrevolution.media. We respond to good faith questions about our work and take them seriously, even when they are uncomfortable.
Ethics Statement ยท Our Revolution Media. Originally published August 2025. Updated September 2026. Reviewed at least annually.
THE RECORDEvery primary document this page links to
Terms that recur across the record, defined once. Each H3 below is a term; the paragraph under it is the definition the site shows on hover, and the line after it names the primary source.
Administrative Procedure Act
The 1946 statute that sets how federal agencies make rules and how courts review them. It requires notice and public comment for most rules and lets courts set aside agency action that is arbitrary, capricious, or contrary to law.
Source: 5 U.S.C. 553
Captive audience meeting
A meeting employees must attend, on paid time and under threat of discipline, where the employer argues against unionizing. The NLRB held mandatory meetings of this kind unlawful in Amazon.com Services in November 2024, applying the rule to future cases only.
Source: NLRB, Board rules captive audience meetings unlawful
Cemex
The NLRB's 2023 standard from Cemex Construction Materials Pacific. When a union shows majority support, the employer must recognize it or promptly file for an election, and serious unfair labor practices before the vote lead to a bargaining order instead of a rerun. The Sixth Circuit held the standard invalid on 6 March 2026.
Source: NLRB case 28 CA 230115
Chevron
The doctrine from Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council (1984) under which courts deferred to an agency's reasonable reading of an ambiguous statute it administers. The Supreme Court overruled it in Loper Bright in 2024.
Source: 467 U.S. 837
Congressional Review Act
A 1996 law that lets Congress overturn a new federal rule with a joint resolution of disapproval, passed by simple majorities on a fast track and signed by the president. A disapproved rule cannot be reissued in substantially the same form without new authority from Congress.
Source: 5 U.S.C. 801
The 1998 law that governs who may serve as an acting officer in a Senate confirmed post and for how long. Actions taken by someone serving outside its limits are generally without legal effect.
Source: 5 U.S.C. 3345
Filibuster
Extended debate that blocks a Senate vote. Ending it through cloture takes three fifths of senators, usually 60, so most legislation needs 60 votes to advance. Budget reconciliation bills are exempt.
Source: Senate Rule XXII
Humphrey's Executor
Humphrey's Executor v. United States (1935), which upheld limits on the president's power to fire FTC commissioners and became the legal basis for independent agencies. The Supreme Court overruled it in Trump v. Slaughter on 29 June 2026, except for agencies that exercise no executive power.
Source: 295 U.S. 602
IEEPA
The International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977, which lets a president regulate commerce after declaring a national emergency. In February 2026 the Supreme Court held that it does not authorize tariffs.
Source: 50 U.S.C. 1701
Impoundment
When the executive withholds or delays spending money Congress has appropriated. The Impoundment Control Act of 1974 allows it only through reported deferrals or through rescission proposals, which lapse unless Congress approves them within 45 days of continuous session.
Source: 2 U.S.C. 683
Loper Bright
Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo (2024), which overruled Chevron and held that courts must decide for themselves what an ambiguous statute means rather than defer to the agency's reading.
Source: Supreme Court docket 22 451
Nondelegation
The principle that Congress cannot hand its lawmaking power to another branch. Courts uphold a delegation if the statute supplies an intelligible principle to guide it, a test from J. W. Hampton v. United States (1928) that has struck down only two laws, both in 1935.
Source: 276 U.S. 394
Pocket rescission
A rescission proposal sent to Congress within 45 days of the end of a fiscal year, so the frozen funds expire before Congress has to act. GAO has found the maneuver unlawful under the Impoundment Control Act, most recently on 29 September 2026.
Source: GAO decision B 338788
Quorum
The minimum number of members a board or commission needs in order to act. The NLRB needs three of its five seats filled; the FEC needs four of its six commissioners to vote on enforcement, rules, or advisory opinions.
Source: 29 U.S.C. 153(b)
Reconciliation
A budget process that lets Congress pass tax, spending, and debt limit changes with a simple majority in the Senate, outside the filibuster. It starts with instructions in a budget resolution, and the Byrd rule strikes provisions with no budgetary effect.
Source: 2 U.S.C. 641
Reduction in force
A layoff of federal employees under OPM rules that rank workers by tenure, veterans' preference, length of service, and performance to decide who is released. Often shortened to RIF.
Source: 5 CFR part 351
Removal power
The president's authority to fire executive officers, and how far Congress can limit it. In Trump v. Slaughter (29 June 2026) the Supreme Court held that for cause protection for FTC commissioners is unconstitutional, so the president can remove members of most independent agencies at will.
Source: Trump v. Slaughter, No. 25 332
Schedule F
An excepted service classification, first created by executive order in 2020, that removes civil service job protections from career employees in policy influencing roles. Revoked in 2021, reinstated by order in January 2025, and made final by OPM rule in 2026 under the name Schedule Policy/Career.
Source: OPM final rule, 91 FR 5580
Schedule Policy/Career
The 2026 name for Schedule F. Career employees placed in it keep their jobs but lose adverse action appeal rights, so they can be removed without the usual civil service process.
Source: OPM, Schedule Policy/Career reference materials
Section 122
Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, which lets the president impose an import surcharge of up to 15 percent for up to 150 days to address balance of payments problems. A 10 percent surcharge ran under it from 24 February to 24 July 2026.
Source: 19 U.S.C. 2132
Section 232
Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, which lets the president restrict imports the Commerce Department finds threaten national security. It underlies the steel, aluminum, and auto tariffs.
Source: 19 U.S.C. 1862
Section 301
Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, which lets the U.S. Trade Representative impose duties or other measures on countries whose trade practices are found unfair or burdensome to U.S. commerce.
Source: 19 U.S.C. 2411
Section 338
A provision of the Tariff Act of 1930 allowing new duties of up to 50 percent on imports from countries found to discriminate against American commerce. It went unused for decades before the 2026 tariff on Canadian goods.
Source: 19 U.S.C. 1338
Unfair labor practice
Conduct the National Labor Relations Act forbids to employers or unions, such as threatening, firing, or bribing workers over organizing, or refusing to bargain in good faith. Charges are filed with the NLRB.
Source: 29 U.S.C. 158
